Urmiye Tube: 2010

Friday, December 17, 2010

شعر اورمیه از شاعر ترک اسماعیل اولکر در وصف شهر اورمیه به زبان ترکیه

شاعر ترک و اورمیه ای آقای اسماعیل مددی اصالو متخلص به اولکر در وصف شهر اورمیه با صدای خود شاعر همراه با تصاویر شهر اورمیه

مستند شبکه آواز ترکیه از استاد محمد حسین بهجت تبریزی - شهریار

Thursday, December 2, 2010

گزارش شبکه یورونیوز اوروپا در مورد خشک شدن دریاچه اورمیه

شعار هوادران تراختور سازی آزربایجان در مورد خشک شدن دریاجه اورمیه

Wednesday, November 24, 2010

آهنگ زیبای آزربایجان از هنرمند ترک سامی یوسف

Sami Yusuf singing about his own country Azerbaijan

Sami Yusuf is a British composer, singer and an accomplished musician. He was born in July 1980 into a musical family of Azerbaıjanıan Turks origin, thus music played an integral part in his life.

Sami learnt to play several instruments at a very young age and gradually began to show a keen interest in singing and composing. He studied music at several institutions and with renowned composers and musicians including composers from the Royal Academy of Music in London, one of the world most prestigious music institutions

Sami has been composing from a very young age and his beautiful voice is supplemented by his extensive knowledge of music theory and harmony. He has also a good understanding of the Middle Eastern modes (or Maqams).

Sami is a devout Muslim who sees songs as a means of promoting the message of love, mercy, peace and tolerance and encouraging the youth to be proud of their religion and identity.

فیلم دریاچه اورمیه - اورمو گولو

مستند تروریسم ارمنی - قتل عام و نسل کشی ترکان آزربایجان شمالی

مستند قتل عام مردم ترک خوجالی، قره باغ

قسمتی از سوالات تاریخی رابطه بین ترکها و ارمنی ها - مستند وقایع تاریخی

Khojaly... In 1992 the name of this ancient settlement of Azerbaijan spread all over the world and the tragedy happened here remained in the history of mankind as one of the most murderous events.

The memory of the horrible massacre known as Khojaly tragedy has been flying over the planet shaking hearts and saddening minds. The night from 25th to 26th of February in 1992 the Armenian forced groups with participation of the 366th shooting regiment of the notorious soviet army made the Khojaly town ruins and site of fire. Hundreds of peaceful inhabitants including women, old men and children were brutally murdered, young and old alike as well as tortured, crippled and became hostages.

This crime was the, next expression of the purposeful Armenian policy of genocide and expansion against the Azerbaijanian Turks people. It's specifically notable that it wasn't the first events when Khojaly became a target for Armenian bullets.

During the 20th century this ancient settlement of Azerbaijan was collapsed by Armenians thrice. Unfortunately, these infringements were concealed about and didn't receive publicity. Probably namely this intentionally implanted historical swoon made possible reiteration of the events happened in Garabagh in the beginning of the century again in the end of the last century.

Whilst Garabagh, a native land of Azerbaijan is under occupation of implacable enemy, while this blessed area of our Motherland isn't free of aggression and our refugee compatriots aren't back own homes each of us is liable to have effort to the world community the truth regarding the Armenian aggression and its severe results as well as render aid to rehabilitation and certification of justice.

It's our most saint duty in front of the occupied and collapsed cities and towns, destroyed historical and cultural monuments, spirits of our ancestry and their graves ruined by enemy, our martyrs and at last, in front of own conscience.

Eighteen years have passed since the Khojaly tragedy, but the ache of Khojaly as well as tears and blood of the Khojaly inhabitants would never be forgotten.

This memory will remain in the hearts of the present and future generations.

We believe in triumph of justice. Our destroyed towns and villages will arise from ruins and the territorial integrity of the independent Azerbaijan will be restored

Tuesday, November 23, 2010

ساری گلین ماهنی سینین داستانی

Sarı Gəlin Azərbaycan xalq mahnısı. Azərbaycan Respublikası, İran sınırlarından bulunan Türkler, İraq və Türkiyədə yaşayan Türklər arasında yayılmış bir Türküdür. Lakin mahnını son dövrlərdə Türklərlə yanaşı ermənilər də ifa edirlər.

Milli Konservatoriyanın elmi-tədqiqat laboratoriyasının rəhbəri Abbasqulu Nəcəfzadənin fikrincə isə, "Sarı gəlin"in söz və musiqisi XVI əsrin məşhur dövlət xadimi, sərkərdə və şairi Şah İsmayıl Xətaiyə məxsusdur. O deyir ki, Şah İsmayıl sarayda rəqqasə qızların oyununa baxarkən orada sarı rəngli libasda bir qız onun diqqətini özünə çəkib. O andaca Xətai belə bir əsər yazıb. Eyni zamanda, Şah İsmayıl Azərbaycanlı Türk xanımın saçının ucunu hörmədiyini yazmaqla rəqqasə qızı nəzərdə tutduğuna eyham vurub.

Azərbaycan Türkcesice Sözləri: Saçın ucun hörməzlər-Gülü sulu dərməzlər-Sarı gəlin-Saçın ucun hörməzlər-Gülü sulu dərməzlər-Sarı gəlin-Bu sevda nə sevdadır-Səni mənə verməzlər-Neynim aman, aman-Neynim aman, aman-Sarı gəlin-Bu sevda nə sevdadır-Səni mənə verməzlər-Neynim aman, aman-Neynim aman, aman-Sarı gəlin-Bu dərənin uzunu,-Çoban qaytar quzunu, quzunu-Bu dərənin uzunu,-Çoban qaytar quzunu, quzunu-Gün ola mən bir görəydim-Nazlı yarımın üzünü-Neynim aman, aman-Neynim aman, aman-Sarı gəlin-Gün ola mən bir görəydim-Nazlı yarımın üzünü-Neynim aman, aman-Neynim aman, aman-Sarı gəlin

عبدالقادر مراغه ای داشنمند ترک

Abdul-Qadir Maraghi was an Turkish prominent scientist and musician. Abdul-Qadir b. GHaybi al-Hafiz al-Maraghi was born in Maragha (South Azerbaijan, Iran) in about the middle of the 14th century. He is one of the significant descendants of Safi al-Din Urmavi (1216 A.D Urmia, 1294 A.D.) He disclosed the essence of Urmavis theory in his book "Sharh al-Advar". Being a real follower of Urmavi, Maraghi was not a "blind" imitator of his books. Basing his work on the theory of his genius predecessor, he developed and completed the system of 6 avazes and 12 makams by adding another modes group -- 24 shubes. In his treatises Maraghi "disputes" with Qutbaddin Shirazi (13 century) and supports the ideas of Urmavi on some theoretical issues.

انیمیشنی در مورد ابن سینا دانشمند ترک از شهر همدان آزربایجان

Büyük Türk (Özbek) bilginidir.18 yaşında çağının bütün ilimlerini öğrendi. 57 yaşındayken Güney Azerbaycanın (İran) Hemedan kentinde öldüğü zaman 150'den fazla eser bıraktı.

Abu Ali ibn-Sina (Avicenna, ) was born in the year 980 in the settlement of Afshana near Bukhara into the family of a financial official.

As early as his childhood, ibn-Sina, along with his father, arrived in Bukhara. He familiarized himself with the Koran in his very early days, and did the same with Greek philosophy, geometry and Indian calculation.

Ibn-Sina's scientific interests evolved in two directions: medicine and philosophy. By the age of seventeen he had become a fully developed...

اورمو گولو قیرمیزی رنگه بورونوبدور - رنگ دریاچه اورمیه قرمز شده

Yerli ekspertlərin fikrincə, Urmu Gölü quruyarsa küləyin aparacağı duz İranda Doğu və batı Azərbaycan və onlara yaxın vilayətlərdə, Azərbaycan Respublikası, Türkiyə və ... minlərlə hektar ərazini quruda bilər.

Urmu Gölündə su səthinin rəngi dəyişərək qırmızı rəngə bürünüb. Yerli sakinlər buna təbiətin möcüzəsi kimi baxır. Bu barədə xəbərlər, filmlər və şəkillər Təbriz radiosu, televiziyası, qəzetlər, Türk və fars dilində olan çoxsaylı bloqlarda yayılıb.

Güney Azərbaycanın bir Çevrə Qorucusu "Amerikanın səsi" radiosuna bildirib ki, Urmu Gölünün rənginin dəyişməsinə "Xalo Bakter" adlı bir bakteriyanın səbəb olduğuna inanır.

İranlı Uzmanalrən dediyinə görə, suyun şorluğu, hər litrdə 400 qramı keçəndə bu bakteriya əmələ gəlir və bunun nəticəsində suyun rəngi qan rənginə çevrilir.

Təbriz televiziyasının xəbərində isə iddia edilib ki, suyun qırmızı rəngə boyanmasına gölün dibindəki yosunlar səbəb olub. Televiziyanın bilgilərindı görə, bu yosunlar həm insanlar, həm də heyvanlar üçün zərərlidir. Bir sıra Uzmanlar bu bilgilərə qarşı çıxıb. Onlar hesab edir ki, bir litr suda 400 qram duz olarsa, göldə heç bir heyvan və ya bitki yaşaya bilməz. Elə buna görə də İranlı Uzmanlar?, Urmu Gölünün ölü gölə çevrildiyini deyir.

Urmia lake has been red

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Caspian Sea.The lake is named after the provincial capital city of Urmia, originally a Sumerian name. It was called Lake Rezaiyeh in the early 1930s after Reza Shah Pahlavi, but the lake was renamed 'Urmia' in the late 1970s.The lake is marked by more than a hundred small rocky islands, which are stopover points in the migrations of various kinds of wild bird life (including flamingos, pelicans, spoonbills, ibises, storks, shelducks, avocets, stilts, and gulls).

Urmia lake is the second salt lake of the world.The population of Urmia is predominantly Turks Nation (over 90%), but with Kurdish,Assyrian and Armenian minorities.

اورمو گولو ماهنی - آهنگ دریاچه اورمیه

Lake Urmia (Turkish Language: Urmu Gölü, Urmiye Gölü,)is a salt lake in northwestern South Azerbaijan(Iranian Azerbaijan) near Turkey. The lake is between the provinces of East Azerbaijan and West Azerbaijan, west of the southern portion of the similarly shaped Caspian Sea Caspian Sea.The lake is named after the provincial capital city of Urmia, originally a sumerian name.The lake is marked by more than a hundred small rocky islands, which are stopover points in the migrations of various kinds of wild bird life (including flamingos, pelicans, spoonbills, ibises, storks, shelducks, avocets, stilts, and gulls).

Urmia lake is the second salt lake of the world.The population of Urmia is predominantly Turks Nation (over 90%), but with Kurdish,Assyrian and Armenian minorities.

گزارش شبکه یورونیوز به زبان ترکی در مورد خشک شدن دریاچه اورمیه

Dünyanın üçüncü büyük tuz gölü Urmiye, kuruma tehlikesiyle karşı karşıya. İran'ın kuzeybatısında bulunan 5 bin 200 kilometre karelik çapa sahip Urmiye Gölü, Unecsco'nun hazırladığı rapora göre 3 sene içerisinde sadece büyük bir tuz tortusundan ibaret olacak. Batı Azerbaycan'da yayınlanan bir başka araştırmaya göre ise, en yüksek derinliği 2 metre civarında olan göl, %60 oranında su kaybetti.

Göl her yıl belli dönemlerde birçok pelikan ve filamingonun beslenme durağı olarak biliniyor.

http://tr.euronews.net/2010/11/10/urumiye-golu-yok-oluyor/

همکاری تشکیلات تروریستی پ.ک.ک و آسالای ارمنی

تشکیلات ترور ارمنی با توجه به اعتراضات جهانی به اعمال این تشکیلات در سالهای 1980 تاکتیک خود را عوض کردند، و با تشکیلات تروریست کردی همچون پ.ک.ک هماکری نزدیک و توسعه روابط را آغاز کردند. طی عملیات تروریستی در سالهای 1984 که در اروح و شیمدینلی ترکیه توسط تشکیلات پ.ک.ک به وقوع پیوست نقشه ی طرح ریزی شده بود که توسط تشکیلات تروریست آسالا-ارمنی ریخته شده بود. چند دلیل از علاقه و همکاری بین ارمنیها و تشکیلات پ.ک.ک در زیر آمده است:

تشکیلات تروریست پ.ک.ک در تاریخ 21-28 آوریل سال 1980 یک هفته طلایی اعلام کرده بود و در 24 آوریل که سالروز ادعای قتل عام ارمنی ها می باشد یاد آوری و بزرگ داشتند و در اجتماعی جمع شده بودند.

- در 8 آوریل 1980 در لبنان و در شهر سیدون تشکیلاتهای تروریستی پ.ک.ک کردی و آسالای ارمنی در یک کنفرانس مطبوعاتی که تشکیل داده بودند و در پایان کنفرانس یک بیانامه منتشر کنند. بعد از این کنفرانس علاقه و همکاری گروههای تروریست پ.ک.ک و آسلا که به صورت غیر قانونی می باشند به هم نزدیک تر شده و قراردادهای مشترکی نیز به تصویب رسید. گردهمایی بعدی در 9 نوامبر در شهر استراسبورگ و در کنسولگری، در تاریخ 19 نوامبر 1980 در رم به وقوع پیوست و بعد از این گردهمایی هر دو گروه در حادثه تروریستی که برای هواپیمایی ترکیه ای اتفاق افتاد توسط گروههای تروریستی پ.ک.ک کردی و آسالای ارمنی مسئولیت این حادثه تروریستی را به صورت همکاری به گردن گرفتند.

- رهبر گروه تروریستی پ.ک.ک عبدالله اوجالان از طرف نویسندگان ارمنی که در فکر ایجاد و خیال ارمنستان بزرگ سیر می کنند به عنوان عضو افتخاری انتخاب شده بود.

- در ما هوی تشکیلات حرکت مردم ارمنی به مانند دیگر کشورههای اروپایی نیز یک کمیته برای کردستان ایجاد شده بود.

- در تاریخ 4 ژوئن 1993 تشکیلات هیچناک ارمنی در یک گردهمایی که توسط گروههای پ.ک.ک و آسالا در غرب بیروت که در مرکز آموزی تشکیلات پ.ک.ک بود تشکیلات هیچاک حضور داشتند.

روابط نزدیک و همکاری تشکیلات تروریستی پ.ک.ک کردی و آسالای ارمنی یک بار دیگر در تاریخ 6-9 ژانویه در سال 1993 و در شهرهای بیروت و لبنان که گردهمایی در یک کلیسا صورت گرفته بود تشکیلات و احزاب ارمنی با 150 نفر اشتراک داشتند این مباحث بحث شد:

- هم اکنون باید روابط مخفی و اعمالمان در مقابل ترکیه به صورت مسکوت برگزار شود

- اجتماع ارمنی رفته با مرور زمان رو به بزرگ شدنو از نظر اقتصادی قدرت مندتر شده می باشد.

- با توجه به پروپاگاندای لابی ارمنی و کرد در دنیا و فعالیت سیاسی هر دو گروه مذکور ادعای قتل عام ارامنه در دنیا به صورت درک واقع بینانه پیش می رود.

- دولت ارمنستان ایجاد شده است، هر روز که می گذرد خاک های جدادی خودا را پس می گیرد و انتقام خونها اجداد و پدران خود را خواهد گرفت.

- با توجه به نظر مساعد مسئولین ایالات متحده آمریکا و دیگر کشورههای اوروپایی در مورد حق به جانب بودن جنگ در قره باغ به نفع طرف ارمنی وضعیت مساعد تر می شود و باید از این فرصت نهایت استفاده برده شود و در جنگ قره باغ نسلهای جوان ارمنی نیز اشتراک خواهند داشت.

- تشکیلات پ.ک.ک در ترکیه و مبارزه ترکیه با این گروه تروریستی باید به صورت جنگی داخلی ادامه یابد، تا اقتصاد ترکیه رو به نزول باشد و مردم ترکیه سرخورده از مبارزه با تروریسم.

- ترکیه تجزیه شده و یک دولت کرد جایگزین خواهد شد.

- ارامنه باید روابط خود را با کردها گسترش داده و در مجادله با کردها یاری رسانند.

- هم اکنون که بیشتر شهرهایی که در دست ترکها می باشد فردا روز در دست ارامنه خواهد شد.

ابرازهای پروپاگاندا و نشریات تشکیلات تروریستی پ.ک.ک در ارمنستان

در ارمنستان ره یا تازا و بوتا رئداکسیون دو نشریه ای هستند که با الفبای لاتین به نشر اخبار پروپاگاندای تشکیلات تروریستی پ.ک.ک مشغول می باشند. این نشریه از طرف اعضای تشیلات پ.ک.ک که در اوروپا و ترکیه ساکن هستند اداره می شود.

همکاری پ.ک.ک-آسالا

در روابط بین المللی تروریسم ارمنی در سال 1973 آشکار و در سال 1974 در ادامه حرکت آشتی در قبرس ترکیه ای هایی که در خارج ساکن بودند توسط اعضای گروههای ترور ارمنی از سوء قصد گرفته تا تخریبات این گروهها مواجه شدند و این حرکت تروریسم ارمنی شروع به فعالیت کرد.

تروریسم ارمنی با سرکردگی گروه آسالا تا سال 1984 به حرکت خود ادامه داد و در سال 1970 از راههای مختلف شروع به فعالیت قانونی و در پس هویتهای مختلف شروع شد. در این سالها آسالا با تشکیلات تروریستی پ.ک.ک در کشتار مردم ترکیه اعم از ترک ها در اکثریت و بعضاً هم کردهای ساکن ترکیه مشارکت می کرد.

لاکن قبل از همکاری تشکیلات تروریستی پ.ک.ک-آسالا نیز عملیات و همکاری نزدیکی با هم داشتند، حتی این همکاری در بیان نامه های منتشر شده از سوی گروههای ترور ارمنی از جمله آسالا و ... به هماکری و آموزش در کمپهای پ.ک.ک اشاراتی داشتند. از سویی تشکیلات افراطیون ارمنی به نام حزب داشناکسیون نیز همکاری با تشکیلات خارج نشین و عوامل پروپاگاندای پ.ک.ک در ارتباط بودند.

ایدئولوژی مشترک گروههای ترور کردی هم چون پ.ک.ک و گروه ارمنی همچون آسالا بر پایه ایدئولوژی مارکسیست-لنیسنیت پایه گذاری شده است و هدف این گروهها بیشتر تشکیل یک دولت در منطقه جنوب وشرق آناتولی می باشد. مناطقی که هر دو گروه به آن قصد دست درازی دارند آشناییم. در این وانفسا یکی از دو گروه برای دیگری نقش پلکان را بازی می کند.

حتی در مناطق یاد شده و در کمپهای بکا و زلی اعضای گروه ارمنی آسالا در حال آموزش نیز مشاهده شده بودند که با نظامیان پ.ک.ک با همدیگر اموزش نظامی می دیدند.

تفاهم نامه امضای شده بین پ.ک.ک و آسالا در سال 1987

در سال 1987 تفاهم نامه ای بین تشکیلات تروریستی پ.ک.ک و آسالای ارمنی به امضا رسیده بود. بندهای تفاهم نامه به صورت زیر می باشد:

1- ارمنی ها بین تشکیلات تروریستی پ.ک.ک آموزش خواهند دید.

2- تشکیلات پ.ک.ک برای هر سال و برای هر نفر 5.000 دلار آمریکا پرداخت خواهد کرد.

3- ارمنی ها به در عملیاتهای کوچک همکاری خواهند داشت.

در این تفاهم نامه که همکاری پ.ک.ک و آسالا را بهم هم نزدیکتر می کرد شخصی به نام هرمز سامورویان در گردهمایی که در تاریخ 18 آوریل 1990 به وقوع پیوست چنین قرارهایی را ذکر کرد:

1- تشکیلات پ.ک.ک و آسالا هم اکنون با هم به یک هدف فکر می کنند.

2- در عملیاتی که به خاطر نیروهای امنیتی ترکیه برگزار می ود این عملیات توسط ارمنی ها به وقع خواهد پیوست.

3- اگر انقلابی که احتمالاً به وقوع خواهد پیوست مناطق گرفت هشده توسط این تشکیلات به صورت برابر بین ارمنی ها و کردها تقسیم خواهد شد.

4- هزینه های کمپ ها را 75% ارمنی ها تامین خواهند کرد.

5- عملیات بیشتر در شهرهایی انجام می گیرد که دارای مترو باشند!

از تاریخ اکتبر 1992 طی عملیاتی که در شمال عراق و در مبارزه با گروههای تروریستی صورت گرفت ضربه های مهلکی به این گروههای وارد شد و بعضی از اعضای این گروه مجبور به ترک عراق و مخفی شدن در مرزهای ایران و ارمنستان جای گرفتند. ور در این حال گروههای ترور در ارمنستان شروع به عملیات کردند.

گروههای تمثیل کنند تشکیلات پ.ک.ک در اوروپا به صورت گروهی به ارمنستان سفر کردند و تفاهم نامه ای برای رفت و آمد گروههای ارمنی در کارس به امضا رساندند. بعد از فروپاشی شوروی و استقلال ارمنستان کردها این امکان را از طرف ارامن هدریافت کردند که در مناطق اشغال شده توسط ارمنستان کردها جای بگیرند و از لحاظ مادی نیز طرف ارمنی حمایتهایی از تشکیلات .پ.ک.ک می کرد. در تاریخ 19-20 مارس 1992 یک گروه تروریستی پ.ک.ک با همکاری گروههای ترور ارمنی برای مبارزه با ترکهای آزربایجان توسط 3 واسطه از اورمیه به ارمنستان حرکت کردند.

منبع:

http://www.ermenisorunu.gen.tr/turkce/teror/pkk.html

اورمو گولو ماهنی سی ایفاچی آشیق قربان علی یار

Saturday, August 14, 2010

ایفای ساز توسط هنرمند ترک اورمیه ای مریم دین پرست

شعر ترکی در وصف اورمو گولو

بای به ک خرمدین قهرمان ملی ملت ترک

ویدئو کلیپ گوزه ل اورمو

معماری ملت ترک آزربایجان

ویدئوی طبیعت می خواند با آهنگ سازی، روشن دین پرست هنرمند ترک اورمیه ای

هزاران فلامینگو مهاجر دریاچه اورمیه را ترک کردند

سر دادن شعارهای ملی در مسابقات والیبال در شهر اورمو

اجرای آهنگ اورمو توسط گروه ساوالان

یانیق کرم - پریسا ارسلانی

سولو ساز، ساری تئل - پریسا ارسلانی

پریسا ارسلانی هنرمند ترک اورمیه ای

صنعت فرش بافی ملت ترک آزربایجان

شعری از بویوک رسول اوغلو در وصف اورمو به زبان ترکی

قتل عام ملت ترک در دو سوی آراز به دست ارامنه

غذاها و سفره ملت ترک

سالماس (سلماس) آزربایجان

سعید ارسلانی مینیاتوریست، خطاط، نقاش ترک اورمیه ای

گفتگو با عاریف کسکین درباره گروهای کرد تررویستی همچون پ.ک.ک و پژاک

PEJAK (Free Life Party of Kurdistan) comes to the agenda nowadays in each discussion about PKK, Northern Iraq, cross-border operation and relationship between US-Turkey-Iran. The role that PEJAK plays in these discussions appears as a key concept which may determine existence, direction and destiny of PKK in the region. There isn’t much information about this organization which became increasingly important lately and there are question marks in our minds. There are many obstacles to get through regarding the birth and establishment of PEJAK; its relationship with the PKK, Iran, Northern Iraq and the US. The aim of this article is to respond these questions. This article is composed of four chapters. In the first chapter, the establishment process and aim of the organization will be discussed. In the second chapter, the environment and the factors that transform this organization into a regional power will be analyzed. In the third chapter, PKK’s “search for a New Mission” will be discussed and in the fourth chapter, the status of PEJAK within the national policy equation of Iran will be examined. This study will be finalized with a brief general evaluation chapter.

Establishment and Purposes

The capture of Abdollah Ojalan put the terrorist organization PKK into a shock and uncertainty for a while. The organization put its effort to come through this crisis by changing its name into KADEK in 2002 and KONGRE-GEL in 2003. In this period PKK not only got into an ideological crisis but also an organizational crisis. At that stage Abdollah Ojalan defended the thesis “democratic-ecologic society” and “democratic confederalism” in this regard. This thesis showed that PKK lost its touch with its “grand Kurdistan” dream that it have been supporting for years and a condefedaralism modeled government was proposed to the Kurds who are living in four different countries. This approach was a “search for a solution” to “the Kurdish issue” within the countries they live in. KONGRE-GEL was established in 2003 as an umbrella organization based on this proposition. Under this umbrella the idea of the establishing an organization and a party in their own way and in the four countries where the Kurds live was brought to the agenda. As a result the decision to establish KADEK in Turkey, PEJAK in Iran, Democratic Solution Party in Iraq, Democratic Unity Party in Syria was taken. After a while the idea of KONGRE-GEL and KADEK was put aside and PKK was used again. The party established in Syria was not successful. The reason for this is the organization might be weakened when the Syrian PKK members left the organization and participate in the Democratic Unity Party. The Democratic Solution Party did well in Iraq and so did PEJAK in Iran.

There are different statements regarding the establishment date of PEJAK. According to its founders the idea of establishment was thought in 1993 2 but the establishment of PEJAK was delayed for long due to the relationship between Iran-PKK. Besides, the aforementioned relationship paved the way to the establishment of PEJAK at the same time. Iran tolerated the political activities of the terrorist organization PKK in Iran for a long time. Thanks to this support Iran gained intelligence support from the PKK against its opponent Kurdish groups and sometimes they carried out joint operations against these groups. This also coincides with the time when Iran supported PKK to weaken Turkey. PKK found an easy opportunity to propagate in Iran and even the books of Abdollah Ojalan were published by the approval of the Ministry of Culture. The activities of the PKK was not only limited to this but also it had initiatives to establish a Kurdish Institute in Iran and a Kurdish city by the name of Mokriyan on the Turkish-Iranian border. The relationship with Kurdish students and MP’s were fostered. When Khatemi came into power in 1997, these initiatives became multidimensional. The democratization rhetoric of Khatemi gave new opportunities to the Kurds. The reformists made promises on the amelioration of “the situation of the Kurds”. Iranian Kurdish parties supported this process which gave hope to the Kurds. The PKK continued its activities although the Kurds sank into despair in the second term of Khatemi.

Following the arrest of Ojalan the psychological environment among the Iranian Kurds returned positively to PKK. Abdollah Ojalan and consequently PKK were identified with the concepts of “mistreated” and “heroism”. At that time PKK accelerated its activities. Iranian government did not do much to prevent these activities. The government which killed the party members of IKDP and KOMULE when captured, presented the PKK supporters an area of free activity. When they were captured, they were released shortly.

The failure following the positive environment created by the first term of the Khatemi government led to a great despair. The student formations and political organizations of that time searched new ways. In that environment the PKK supporters rethought about the idea of organization. In 2002 they were organized under the name of “Democratic Unity Movement” but these initiatives failed. The new mission definition of KONGRE-GEL and the US deployment in Iraq paved the way for all these efforts to come to a different point. In this process PEJAK started its activities by holding its first congress in 2004. PEJAK has two wings. The first wing, political wing, is organized as two active groups composed of youth (KCR) and women (YJRK). The second wing, military wing, is named as HRK (Hezen Rizgariya Kurdistan).

PEJAK (Kurdistan Free Life Party) states explicitly in its Rules And Regulations that, its ideological basis comes from PKK and Abdollah Ojalan. PEJAK deems “PKK as the greatest movement in the Kurdish history“ and defines its lines as “Apoism”. It states its aim as establishing “Iranian Federal Democratic Republic” and defines the acts of terrorism within the concept of “legitimate defense”. In the above-mentioned Rules And Regulations the KONGRE-GEL is defined as “the basic umbrella organization” and it is obligatory to preserve the organic relationship and follow the same line with it. The organization uses the PKK tools in all its propaganda and political activities; disseminates the books, articles, speeches of Ojalan to recruit militants within Iran. Furthermore the high level cadre of PEJAK has fulfilled “serious” missions within different units of the PKK before. On the other hand PEJAK’s camp in Ghandil is “protected” by PKK and PKK gives military and ideological training to PEJAK.

How did PEJAK gain influence?

The information regarding the Kurdish population and their settlements in Iran is of major importance in understanding the extent of influence of PEJAK. There are approximately five million Kurds in Iran. While they form a majority in cities such as Kurdistan, Karmanshah and Ilam, they form a minority in Western Azerbaijan, Lorestan and Horasan.9 There are sectarian and dialectical differences among them. They talk Kermanji in Western Azerbaijan and Khorasan; Sorani in Kurdistan; Karmanshahi in Ilam and Karmanshah. 30 percent of the Kurds are Shiites. While Kurds from Ilam and Karmanshah.are Shiite; other Kurds are mostly Sunnis and Shafis. Dialectical, sectarian and geographical distributions of the Kurds influence their political tendencies. The Shiite Kurds have a tendency of being close to the center. For example there is a serious Persianism in Karmanshah. The Sunnite Kurds in the Kurdistan Province attach themselves to the Kurds in Northern Iraq while the Kermanci Kurds in Western Azerbaijan attach themselves to Turkish Kurds. The PEJAK’s base consists of Kurds living in Azerbaijan province. Furthermore, the PEJAK desires to spread among the Sorani Kurds as well. It started to gain influence also among Kurdish Shiites in Iran. It gains power especially in Iranian cities of Karmanshah and Ilam as Shiites, who constitute 30 percent of Kurds, do not approve the other Kurdish groups very much. However, the PEJAK started to gain influence among the Shiite Kurds by breaking this resistance.

The PEJAK’s seeds were planted during the period of good relations between the PKK and Iran. The PKK terror organization attempted to grow in Iran within the framework of Iranian security support and wanted to bring its activities in an organized form. For this reason, there is a perception among many opposition groups in Iran that “the PEJAK is an offspring of the Iran regime.” The interesting point is that during the period following its establishment, the PEJAK continued its activities overtly in certain regions of Iran.

The mass, which the PEJAK and the PKK influenced in Iran, consists of people who received education and higher education. Since the Iranian Kurds did not carry out many theoretical works, they were influenced considerably by the cultural work of the PKK. Moreover, the PKK replaced pishmarga concept with “guerilla” phenomenon. And this attracts young generation seeking their identity. Another matter of influence for Kurds in Iran was women rights. Promises are made for young Kurdish students to educate abroad on scholarships and for unemployed people to be employed in Northern Iraq.

Another reason for the PEJAK’s growth was that Iran’s traditional Kurdish groups got weakened in Kurdish regions. Iranian Kurds have two significant parties named Iranian Kurdistan Democratic Party (IKDP) and KOMULE. In 1943, a group of young people came together in Savujboulagh (Mahabat) and established the first covert Kurdish organization, the Kurdish Revival Society (Kömala-Jiani-Kürt). This organization later turned into the Kurdistan Democratic Party in 1945. Since that day this party has undertaken a significant role in all events and historical developments in Iraqi Kurdistan. However, the organization increasingly became passive after 1991. And KOMULE was established by the people who split from the Iranian Communist Party. This constitution gained power especially following 1979 Iranian Islamic Revolution. However, it was also weakened over time. These parties’ presence in Northern Iraq lost their independence and their activities went under the command of Talabani and Barzani. These groups were neutralized upon the request of Iran, within the framework of Iran-Northern Iraq relations. In this process, parties’ energy was spent on inter-party disputes and settling up and there was insufficiency in policymaking. The bloody conflict in the KOMULE camps in Northern Iraq in the recent period also constituted the last example of this internal settling up.

Another reason for the PEJAK’s strengthening is that it benefits all the means of the PKK. Iran’s other Kurdish groups do not have the media support (ROJ TV) that PEJAK has. As a matter of fact, ROJ TV is watched and PKK-PEJAK propaganda is made in IKDP and KOMULE camps.

PKK’s Search for a “New Mission”

Establishing the PEJAK, the PKK wanted to take part in the US “regional speculation and searches”. The settlement of USA in Iraq caused a deep-rooted change in the PKK’s strategy and regional stand and the PKK started to alienate from its traditional supporters Iran and Syria. This situation indicates that the PKK is in search for a mission within the context of USA. Making good use of regional conflict areas, the PKK wanted to take part in the scope of regional plans of USA. The PKK realized that the regional and global equilibrium has changed and thus it can not trust its traditional supporters in the region any more. It has also come out that Iran and Syria are placed in corner by the West and they do not have the power to support the PKK against Turkey any longer. For this reason, the PKK started to locate itself in the region so that it is of use for USA. The PKK has the potential to carry out this new mission as it is an organization with a cross border structure. Different from the other Kurdish groups, it has militants with Iranian, Syrian, Iraqi and Turkish nationalities. And this provides the PKK with an opportunity to carry out its activities in an extensive area. In addition, it has a tendency and power to act free from the Northern Iraqi Kurds. Since the other Kurdish groups of Iran are excessively dependent on Barzani and Talabani, they do not have this potential. As a matter of fact, the Iranian Kurdish groups preferred to protect the “Regional Kurdish Administration” in Northern Iraq as their fundamental politics. Because of the close relations between Iran and Northern Iraqi Kurdish groups, other Kurdish groups mentioned above were silenced. On the contrary, the PEJAK came on stage and grew in this period.

All these developments changed the relations between both the PKK and the regional states. While the PKK was Turkey’s problem before, it became a problem for Syria and Iran as well. This complicated the solution to the PKK problem even more as the solution to the PKK problem went beyond the scope of USA and Turkey and as it linked to the fate of the relations between the USA, Syria and Iran. Although Iran and Syria seemed to side with Turkey, their positioning the PKK as against themselves places the US stand regarding the PKK in a harder situation.

There are contradictory statements over the relations between the PEJAK and USA. While USA considers the PKK as a terrorist organization, it makes an unequal treatment by not making the same statement regarding the PKK. The US administration states that they do not have any relations with the PEJAK. However, the PEJAK’s statements and the general view is that USA supports the PEJAK.

With the coinciding of the PKK’s change of strategy and the PEJAK’s establishment with the period of increasing tense relations between USA and Iran, the search of USA for an organization capable of struggling against Iran put the significance of the PEJAK on the agenda. Within this frame of reference, some features of the PEJAK attract USA. Although the Iranian Kurdish groups, except for the PEJAK, have long carried out an armed struggle, they are not in a desire to do so for the time being. Furthermore, the Arabs and the Baluchis in Iran also do not have a powerful armed organization. And the Azerbaijani Turks favor political and democratic struggle and they do not have any military structure. On the other hand, the opposition outside the scope of ethnic nationality does not have a significant influence inside Iran. The most powerful of these is Mujahedeene Khalq. Besides being on the US terror organizations list, the organization is also the “blood enemy” of the Iraqi Shiites and the Kurds as it once was close to Saddam. These points increase the significance of yhe PEJAK in the eyes of USA. Also the unwillingness of USA to meet the requests of Turkey on the PKK issue does have a sense within this frame of reference since it is in need of the PEJAK.

PEJAK in the Iranian Political Equilibrium

PEJAK tends to gain power not only among the Kurds but also throughout Iran. However, PEJAK’s succeeding in this aim is also not so easy. As a matter of fact, although it called the opposing Persian groups in Iran to cooperate, it did not receive a positive answer. These groups felt a deep distrust of the PEJAK from the day of its birth. Iranian opposition perceived PEJAK as an “Iranian project”. For them, the Iranian state targeted with the establishment of the PEJAK to control and direct the Kurdish opposition. Obviously, this comment was made taking into account the close relations between the PKK and Iran. Although the PEJAK reduced this distrust to a certain extent as a result of its skirmishes with Iran, it still faces serious problems. Moreover, Persian opposition perceives the PEJAK as a disrupter. Another problem for the Iranian Persian opposition groups is the relations of the PEJAK with the PKK and this relationship increases the lack of confidence about PEJAK. According to these groups, the close relationship between PKK and the regime of Iran has worsened only in the recent period. Moreover, the regional balances could make PKK close to Iran again. At such kind of a phase, the power of PEJAK to act independently would be under question. The discourse of PEJAK deepens this doubt. Existing like “the aim is to change the regime but not to overturn it”, this discourse leaves an opportunity to bargain with the Iranian regime.

The other Kurdish groups in Iran also do not find PEJAK sympathetic to themselves. Willing to struggle in a political and democratic period, the Iranian Kurdish groups endure to consider PEJAK as a trap of Iran. According to this opinion, the military conflicts of PEJAK channeled Iran to deploy its army into the region in which the Kurds are living. And this fact gives way to the opportunity of suppressing the political activities of the Iranian Kurds and the chance of restraining the Kurds of Northern Iran. According to some Kurdish groups and leaders PEJAK and PKK give way to between Turkey, Syria and Iran to create cooperation between each other, which is not for the benefit of the Kurds in the region. This fact pushes Turkey and Iran into a “violent and aggressive” position against North Iraq and makes the administration in the North of Iraq compensate to Iran and Turkey. These Kurdish groups located in the North of Iraq claim that “while Iran was bombing the North of Iraq, the villages were burned but nothing happened only to PEJAK.” Due to this opinion, the PEJAK-PKK operations bring with itself the danger of destroying the Regional Kurdish Administration which is a young Kurdish formation. On the other hand, it is an influential factor that makes it difficult for the USA to support the north of Iraq.

The most concerned and insecure group in Iran that views the activities of PEJAK is the Azerbaijani Turks. According to the Azerbaijanis, PEJAK claims the historical lands of Azerbaijani Turks as “the lands of Kurds” in accordance with the “Great Kurdistan” dream. In this respect, they made some attempts. As it is pointed out above, PKK has sought to establish a Kurdish province (otsan) called Mokriyan on the Turkish-Iranian border after 1997. But this attempt was suspended because of the sensitiveness of the Azerbaijani Turks. On the other hand, channeling PEJAK-PKK to Iran means that the conflict could spread to the city of Urumiyah in which the Azerbeijani Turks live. And this increases the possibility that a Turk-Kurd conflict could be break out in the West Azerbaijan. Even it is not known in Turkey completely, the emotional and psychological ground for a Turk-Kurd conflict in the West Azerbaijan province of Iran is arising. According to the Azerbaijanis, PEJAK and PKK follow the project of Turk-Kurd conflict in the region. PKK’s constant having of Urumiyah, the most ancient city of Azerbaijan in the map of “Great Kurdistan” creates an anxiety. This fact produces a potential of hot-conflict between the Kurds and the Azerbaijanis at the border region of Iran and Turkey.

Conclusion and General Assessment

Regionalization of PKK is a process for Turkey that shelters both the opportunities and threads. On one hand, the problem becomes a problem of Iran and Syria as well. This case facilitates Turkey’s search for the regional cooperation on the PKK issue and makes taking help and support from the States of the region for PKK impossible. Moreover, it divides the energy of PKK, since Turkey has got out to be the only target. However, besides all these positive factors, the solution of the problem has become harder. Ceasing to be an issue in the respect of the American-Turkish relationships, this problem has commenced to be a part of the deal between Iran, Syria and Turkey. This case makes the job of Turkey more difficult and the motivation of the USA to put an end to PKK affects negatively from this matter. Thus, the USA-Turkey relationships became problematic. Moreover, this process covers the potential of PKK to turn out to be a greater problem in the future. In a case of a military intervention toward Iran, a new formation in the Kurdish district of this country could appear. Pushing PKK-PEJAK into Iran means that the leadership of this possible structure would already leave to this organization. Moreover, this situation could present PKK an opportunity to create a “Kurdish belt” in the Iranian-Kurdish border, which has been a dream of PKK for a long time. By this way, Turkey could come face to face with a Turk-Kurd hot-conflict on the Iranian border. For these reasons, PKK-PEJAK’s channeling to Iran does not solve the problem of Turkey.

The tension between Iran and the USA and the radicalism of Ahmadinejad could be more harmful to Turkey than it has ever thought of. Thus, Turkey should take part in this process more actively. Turkey should put an end to the problem of PKK-PEJAK in this way or an other; even it could not manage to cease the tension between the USA and Iran. It is very important to hinder the future of PKK-PEJAK terrorist organization in Iran right now before the Iranian-American tension comes to the phase of “the final deal”.

http://www.turksam.org/en/a210.html